Showing posts with label Dr K. Satyanarayana. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Dr K. Satyanarayana. Show all posts

Saturday, March 23, 2013

Death of a Student: Personal Tragedy or National Shame? By: Asma Rasheed, K. Satyanarayana & Uma Bhruguband


Asma Rasheed, K. Satyanarayana and Uma Bhrugubanda
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The suicide of Mudasir Kamran, a Kashmiri research scholar at the EFL University, Hyderabad has been described as "a personal issue" both by the university administration as well as other sections of society. Far from being so, we argue, his death is a symptom of a failure to acknowledge and respond to major shifts in higher education today. In fact, the act of naming it "personal" absolves the University as well as all of us of any responsibility for this tragic turn of events and precludes a critical reflection on the education system in India. Since 2009, sixteen new central universities have been added to the existing twenty-four. These have increased the number of students from dalit, adivasi and minority communities who are struggling to enter and persevere in the face of unwelcoming, stultified academic and administrative structures.
On the one hand, the Government has recognized the importance of supporting and nurturing groups that were hitherto excluded from educational opportunities through scholarship schemes like the Rajiv Gandhi National Fellowship for SC/ST students and the Maulana Azad National Fellowship for Minorities. On the other hand, this is not matched by a corresponding over-hauling of existing institutional cultures. Our universities have remain mired in older regimes of elitist, casteist and sexist thought and practice that refuse to engage with and adapt to new student needs, let alone challenges to established knowledge structures. This fact is underscored by the recent reports of a disturbingly large number of suicides by dalit students in premier institutions.
In EFLU itself, Mudasir's death is the fourth one in the last five years. The "facts" of this case have been widely reported and continue to be debated. Without repeating these, we wish to make three points—one, if Mudasir was recognized as "mentally disordered" or depressed for over two months, why was there no professional counseling offered? Though individual efforts by his supervisor and a senior faculty member were made, the situation demanded trained counselors and a support network from within the campus community. Two, if there was some form of "harassment," why was it not referred to a sexual harassment committee which would have brought in different perspectives and possible resolutions? The narrow framework of violence or deviant behavior which the Proctor and others seem to have worked with (and indeed continue to work with) reveals a chronic institutional insensitivity to "difference" in sexual orientation or even cultural expressions. Indeed, a more open atmosphere on campus where issues of friendships, relationships, sexuality, romance, rejection and harassment are discussed would surely facilitate a broader culture of tolerance and emotional support.
Three, the act of taking a Kashmiri Muslim student to a police station late at night cannot be dismissed merely as an "error of judgment." A law-and-order approach is willfully blind to the political nuances and the dynamics of some identities, such as dalits or minorities. It is reported that on coming out of the police station, Mudasir broke down inconsolably saying that this was the first time anyone from his family had ever stepped inside a police station. Given today's fraught political situation in the aftermath of the execution of Afzal Guru and the Hyderabad bomb blasts, the ramifications of involving the police and making this dispute public were very grave!
What are the consequences of simply setting up new universities or converting institutes into universities? EFL University is a case in point. It was originally set up as a language institute in 1958. Subsequently, it grew into a deemed university with teacher training and research as its primary focus. In 2007, it became a Central University when the B. A. and several other new academic programmes were introduced. In a single stroke, student population tripled and is now younger as well as more socio-economically diverse. To complicate matters, programmes specifically introduced for foreign students have also altered the dynamics of campus life. There is a serious lack of basic facilities such as water, adequate number of rooms and bathrooms as also proper food in the hostels. In addition, the lack of space for social interaction and facilities for sports or cultural activities compounds the stress and overwhelming sense of suffocation. To make matters worse, there have been no Student Council elections since 2009 and there are no elected student representatives. All of this is worsened by a stubborn refusal to reexamine hierarchies that work with easy binaries like merit/reservation, discipline/violence, intelligent/dull, hardworking/lazy.
A thorough investigation is urgently required. Firstly, to look into the incident of Mudasir Kamran and examine questions of institutional and social responsibility. Secondly, to prescribe measures to make our universities socially and culturally inclusive. More importantly, it will be our willingness to learn from such an investigation that will go a long way in making new as well as existing Central Universities truly national, democratic and egalitarian spaces. Else, we will continue to be on the brink of yet-another-tragedy not only at EFL University, but in institutions all over the country.
Please also read related articles published recently:
The Killing Fields of Academia: by N. Sukumar & Shailaja
Statement in support of the struggle for justice for Mudasir Kamran: by Struggle Committee for Justice for Mudasir
~~~

Asma RasheedK. Satyanarayana and Uma Bhrugubanda are faculty members at the English and Foreign Languages University, Hyderabad.

Source : Round Table India website : http://roundtableindia.co.in/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=6348:death-of-a-student-personal-tragedy-or-national-shame-&catid=119:feature&Itemid=132

Saturday, March 9, 2013

దళిత చరిత్రకు దర్పణం (Panchatantram Book Review) --- కె. సత్యనారాయణ




కోస్తా ఆంధ్రలో అంబేద్కర్ ఆలోచనలతో ప్రభావితమై ఎదిగిన దళిత ఉద్యమ చరిత్రే బొజ్జా తారకం గారి నవల 'పంచతంత్రం'. విద్యా ఉద్యోగావకాశాలను అందిపుచ్చుకుంటున్న తొలితరం దళితులు, అప్పుడప్పుడే వారి అనుభవంలోకి వస్తున్న 'స్వాతంత్య్రం', మొదటి తరం దళిత నాయకత్వం ఎదిగిన తీరు వంటి అంశాలను ఈ నవల కళ్ళకు కట్టినట్టు చిత్రించింది. కేవలం పరిశోధన ద్వారా రాయగలిగే నవల కాదిది. గొప్ప జీవితానుభవం ఉన్నవాళ్ళు మాత్రమే రాయగలరు.



తారకంగారి తండ్రి బొజ్జా అప్పలస్వామిగారు మొదటితరం అంబేద్కరిస్టు. ఆయన జీవితం, పోరాటమే 'పంచతంత్రం' నవలకు నేపథ్యం. తారకంగారు కూడా సుదీర్ఘమైన రాజకీయ జీవితం ఉన్న వ్యక్తి. మూడు తరాల పోరాటాలకు ప్రతినిధి. 1947 తర్వాత ఎగసిన అంబేద్కర్ ఉద్యమాలతోనే ఆయన రాజకీయ జీవితం ప్రారంభమైంది. 1970లలో ఉవ్వెత్తున లేచిన రైతాంగ ఉద్యమాలు, పౌరహక్కుల ఉద్యమాలు ఆయనను రాటుదేలిన పోరాట యోధుణ్ణి చేశాయి. 1985లో జరిగిన కారంచేడు మారణకాండ ఆయన్ని పూర్తిస్థాయి దళిత నాయకుణ్ణి చేసింది. ఏడుపదుల వయస్సులో లక్ష్మింపేట ఉద్యమాన్ని కూడా ఆయనే ముందుండి నడుపుతున్నారు. ఈ నేపథ్యం, రాజకీయ ప్రభావాలు, చారిత్రక ఘట్టాలన్నీ 'పంచతంత్రం' నవలను అర్థం చేసుకోవడానికి చాలా అవసరం.



తెలుగు దళిత సాహిత్యంలో 'పంచతంత్రం' ఒక ప్రత్యేకమైన స్థానాన్ని పొందుతుంది. తొలి దశ దళిత ఉద్యమ చరిత్ర కథాంశంగా నవలలు ఇంతవరకూ రాలేదు. గాంధేయవాదాన్ని వదిలించుకుంటూ వామపక్ష ఉద్యమాలకు వెలుపల స్వతంత్రంగా ఎదిగిన దళిత ఉద్యమాల చరిత్ర మీద రాసిన నవలలేమీ లేవు. చిలుకూరి దేవపుత్ర గారి 'పంచమం' నవల కారంచేడు తర్వాతి పోరాటాలను చర్చిస్తే, కల్యాణరావుగారి 'అంటరాని వసంతం' నవల దళితుల సాంస్కృతిక వారసత్వం, క్రైస్తవంలోకి మారడం, పీడనకు దోపిడీకి వ్యతిరేకంగా వారు చేసిన భూపోరాటాలు, చివరగా నక్సలైటు ఉద్యమంలో భాగం కావడాన్ని చిత్రీకరించింది. వేముల ఎల్లయ్య 'కక్క' నవల తెలంగాణ మాదిగ జీవితం, భాష, సంస్కృతిని వివరిస్తుంది. వీటన్నిటికీ భిన్నంగా 'పంచతంత్రం' ఆంధ్రలో అంబేద్కర్ ఆలోచనా విధానంతో ప్రభావితమైన దళిత ఉద్యమ క్రమాన్ని చూపిస్తుంది.



మాలపల్లెకు, జమీందారీ కుటుంబానికి మధ్య ఘర్షణ ప్రధాన ఇతివృత్తంగా సాగే ఈ నవలలో ముఖ్యపాత్రలు మూడు. కాపు కులస్తుడైన జమీందారు విశ్వనాథం, మాల యువకుడు విద్యార్థి నాయకుడు అయిన సూరన్న, మిలట్రీలో పనిచేసి వచ్చిన మరో మాల కులస్తుడు సుబ్బారావు. సూరన్న బాల్యం నుంచి అనేక అవమానాలకు, వివక్షకు గురవుతూ చివరికి తన కృషితో, చైతన్యంతో విద్యార్థి నాయకుడుగా ఎదిగిన తీరును చాలా బాగా చిత్రించారు. 



సుబ్బారావు మాలపల్లెకు నైతిక ధైర్యాన్నిస్తూ, సూరన్నను కాపాడుకుంటూ దళిత ఉద్యమంలో కీలకపాత్ర పోషిస్తాడు. పాలేర్లుగా, వెట్టిచాకిరీ చేసే కూలీలుగా, అంటరానివారిగా అవమానాలకు, అణచివేతకు గురవుతూ బతుకుతున్న దళితులు విద్యావకాశాల వల్ల, ఉద్యమ చైతన్యం వల్ల, 'స్వాతంత్య్రం' తెచ్చిన వెసులుబాటు వల్ల విద్యావంతులుగా, నాయకులుగా రూపొందడం, జమీందార్ల అక్రమ ఆక్రమణ నుండి భూముల్ని తిరిగి తీసుకోవడం, జమీందారు ఆస్తులకు అండగా ఉన్న రెవిన్యూ పోలీసు వ్యవస్థను వ్యతిరేకించడం వంటి ఘటనలన్నిటినీ అత్యంత వాస్తవికంగా మన కళ్ళ ముందు నిలిపారు రచయిత. తారకంగారి కథన శైలి, కవిత్వం తొణికిసలాడే భాష ఈ నవలను మరింత పఠన యోగ్యం చేశాయి.
- కె. సత్యనారాయణ
పంచతంత్రం , బొజ్జా తారకం
పేజీలు : 290, వెల : రూ. 100
ప్రతులకు : హైదరాబాద్ బుక్ ట్రస్ట్ 

Andhra Jyothi Sunday Book (Magazine Review) Dated : 10/3/2013

Monday, February 4, 2013

The question of casteism still remains By Dr K. SATYANARAYANA





K. SATYANARAYANA
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Contrary to what Nandy’s defenders would have us believe, his corruption remark reinforces negative stereotypes about Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
The controversy around Ashis Nandy’s casual remarks at the Jaipur Literature Festival did not address a number of important questions of public concern. The frenzied ‘Save Nandy’ campaign that followed has actually foreclosed any productive discussion. His supporters have been trying to explain and contextualise Professor Nandy’s flippant remarks through references to his scholarship and eminent status.
Sankaran Krishna seeks to locate Mr. Nandy’s words in the wake of his earlier scholarship and criticisms (The Hindu, January 31). Such an approach is irrelevant to what Mr. Nandy said at the JLF. Harsh Sethi (The Hindu, January 28), Yogendra Yadav (Indian Express, January 28), Lawrence Liang (Economic Times, January 30) and several others have argued that Mr. Nandy’s statements should not be read as casteist. What is pertinent is that both Mr. Nandy and his defenders invoke ‘SC, ST and OBCs’ in a manner that reinforces a stereotypical image of these communities as “intolerant” and “undemocratic.” Shiv Visvanathan writes, “Dalits and OBCs are treated as sacred cows” (Firspost, Jan. 28).
One-sided
The other standard mode of response has been to combine the banning of Kamal Haasan’s film Vishwaroopam, the Rushdie affair and other state censorship issues with Mr. Nandy’s “freedom of speech” to conclude that Indian society is becoming intolerant and undemocratic. Manu Joseph writes in the New York Times ( Jan. 30) that India is “a paradise for those who take offence.” That Mr. Nandy named the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes and the Other Backward Classes, a large population of the marginalised protected by special laws, as the most corrupt, is totally ignored.
There has been absolutely no attempt to seriously examine the significance of the SC/ST Act and its provisions given that we live in a society with rampant caste discrimination. Madhu Kishwar tweeted on January 28: “Wonder why no one discussing the draconian provisions in SC/ST Act under which Ashis Nandy being booked. Only focusing on Nandy, not the law.” It was no less than a call for the scrapping of this important 1989 Act, which was a result of decades of lobbying by the Dalit movement. Its repeal has been, for long, the demand of the Shiv Sena, the Pattali Makkal Katchi, the Samajawadi Party and such like. Swapan Dasgupta echoes this view saying the Act is “absurd, inflexible, draconian” (The Pioneer, Feb. 3). Antara Dev Sen says that “the more socially disadvantaged you are as an identity group, the more laws you may have at your disposal to attack” (Asian Age, Feb. 2). Liang argues that filing a case is “a lumpen strategy of the right” that all minorities have adopted.
Even if it is not the only option, is it so wrong for Dalits to file a case? No one thought it necessary to examine the validity of Mr. Nandy’s “provocative” claims. The irony is that in the name of freedom of expression, liberal and rightwing intellectuals have come together in actually suppressing all debate on Mr. Nandy’s objectionable comment that the OBC, SC and ST people are “the most corrupt.”
The effect has been to deflect all attention from his bizarre statements (dubbed as “nuanced utterances”). The question of whether Mr. Nandy’s remarks in fact constitute casteist speech was never given serious attention. Mr. Nandy himself clarified his position many times but never unconditionally withdrew his comments. He reiterated the view that the SC, ST and OBCs are indeed most corrupt (in the sense of they forming a majority of the population) in very clear terms on an NDTV show ( Jan. 28 interview to Barkha Dutt).
In the case of the socially stigmatised and marginalised people, references of any broad-brush kind only reinforce stereotypes of these people. Imagine a white intellectual in the United States, irrespective of the nature and stature of his previous body of work, saying that Blacks and Hispanics in the U.S. are the most corrupt. What would be the repercussions?
What is more, by a clever displacement it was argued that Mr. Nandy actually was the victim of an intolerant culture and authoritarian politics. He is seen as ‘hounded’ and ‘harassed’. It has been argued that the response to Mr. Nandy is ‘intolerant outrage’ and ‘competitive outrage’. From whom? Clearly, the Dalit-Bahujans. When Shuddhabrata Sengupta (Kafila.org, January 30) wickedly refers to “the foot soldiers of identity politics” and “brokers of victimhood,” he is referring not just to one or two individuals, but tarnishing entire communities. These are sweeping statements that depict the SCs, STs, OBCs as people who have no ‘commitment’ to careful listening, who, unlike the ‘upper castes,’ are easily offended, crave for false publicity and organise stage-managed protests.
An editorial in The Hindu (“From Footnote to FIR,” Jan. 30) notes that “in a country where there is a flourishing outrage industry — helped by a slew of laws that takes the feelings of easily offended individuals very seriously — there is a great deal of publicity and even political capital to be acquired in claiming that sentiments are hurt.” The rhetorical strategy is to refer to Indians in general but the specific context is the protest by certain SC, ST and OBC groups. The running theme of the Nandy defence team is that the public (especially the marginalised) has neither skills of reasoning nor a sense of humour to appreciate Mr. Nandy’s words in context. In fact, the campaign to produce Mr. Nandy as a victim as well as a great man constructs SC, ST and OBCs as fools and criminals.
‘Lumpen strategy’
Mr. Nandy’s defenders may have the right to be delusional and believe that his comments are pro-Dalit, pro-Adivasi and pro-OBC, and that such comments should not therefore attract the SC/ST Act. But to call taking recourse to a legal remedy ‘a lumpen strategy’ and to term the SC/ST Act ‘draconian’ — as some have done — is to casually undermine what is in fact an extremely important legislation. This is a special law designed to protect the dignity, life and property of the SC/ST people.
The dispute between the SC/STs and Ashis Nandy is one about dignity and respect. The state is not directly in the picture. A section of the marginalised, and the National Commission for the Scheduled Castes, invoked the SC/ST Act. Many others have objected to Mr. Nandy’s views on other grounds. But how does asking for the application of a special law amount to censorship and violation of freedom of expression? True, this Act imposes limits on speech that humiliates and discriminates against the Dalits and Adivasis. The new scholarship on humiliation and caste, by the likes of Gopal Guru, elaborates on and illustrates this point.
Mr. Nandy first clarified that the view that the SC, ST and OBCs are the most corrupt is a normative view, and not an empirical one. Despite this, he later claimed on NDTV that ticketless travellers in trains and black-ticket sellers in cinema halls would inevitably be SC, ST, and OBC, and they are in a majority.
Not pro-Dalit
This theory of false agency and emulation of the upper castes (in matters of corruption) is highly objectionable and offensive and it cannot be passed off as a ‘pro-Dalit’ statement. Madhu Koda, for all his skills at corruption, is not the role model of the marginalised. The corruption of some of the elite among the disadvantaged is as dangerous and oppressive as that of the upper caste elites. In fact, Mr. Nandy’s theory reinforces the commonsensical view of the oppressed castes as corrupt. The assumption that only physical violence and atrocities attract the SC/ST Act is wrong. Any generalisation that produces a stereotype could be objected to both on moral and legal grounds. There are divergent views among SC, ST, and OBC commentators on how to deal with Mr. Nandy’s remarks and theory of corruption (such loose talk is turned into a theory). But no one claimed that Mr. Nandy’s speech is excellent and ironic. No Dalits have come out to support him.
The public intellectual, Chandra Bhan Prasad, asked Dalits to forgive Mr. Nandy hoping he would unconditionally withdraw his statements. Some activists and politicians filed cases under the SC/ST Act. What is wrong with this? How can anyone take objection to one’s right to seek legal remedy under an Act that provides minimum protection to the deprived in this country? How can anyone prescribe only ‘a verbal or intellectual redress’ for these offensive and derogatory remarks?
In this vitiated context, one can only take some solace in the words of the Supreme Court bench headed by Chief Justice Altamas Kabir, which said on February 1: “He [Nandy] can’t continue making statements like this. Whatever may be your intent, you can’t go on making statements.” When staying his arrest, the bench noted, “We are not at all happy”. Nor are SCs, STs and OBCs.
(The author teaches at the English and Foreign Languages University, Hyderabad, and is the author of No Alphabet in Sight: New Dalit Writing from South India)

Thursday, January 31, 2013

"Is Prof. Ashis Nandy a Sacred Cow?" By Dr K Satyanarayana


Dalit Camera: Through Un-Touchable Eyes
[Ravi Chandran, of the video news journal 'Dalit Camera: Through Un-Touchable Eyes', interviewed Dr K. Satyanarayana, Associate Professor, Department of Cultural Studies, English and Foreign Languages University (EFL-U) on Prof. Ashis Nandy's recent comments On Dalit Bahujans at the Jaipur Literature Festival. Here's a part of the transcript of the interview.]
Dalit Camera: How do you see Ashis Nandy's comments, at the Jaipur Literary Festival, against SCs, STs and OBCs and the whole debate happening around it across the country?
K. Satyanarayana: Ravi, first, I'd like to thank Dalit Camera for giving me this space, because we don't have NDTV or CNN IBN or the whole newspaper world. We have this little space because of Dalit Camera so I thank you very much for giving me this space, to express some of my views on this controversy.
First of all, I'm really upset at the way this whole discussion is taking place. I am not upset so much about Ashis Nandy's comments, but I am upset at the way that Dalits as a community, including myself, are implicated in this discussion. First, as corrupt people, then as people who are intolerant, then as people who have no sense of humour; (we are implicated) in innumerable ways, as this discussion is showing. In this campaign to defend Nandy, they're really damaging the image of the community.
So I am really shocked at this, I am really upset at this. I've read, seen today's Hindu editorial and I am really shocked at the way they have been writing about it. To give you some details, one of Prof. Nandy's friends said that SC, ST, OBCs are treated as sacred cows in this country. I am asking now: is Nandy a sacred cow?
Dalits have been criticized, Dalits have been stereotyped and Dalits are at the receiving end of many things. So they have not been sacred cows. They have not even been able to reply in a strong manner to this whole campaign. We don't have many people to write, you don't have the media to voice their concerns. So they are not sacred cows, they have never been sacred cows.But is Nandy a sacred cow? This is what I am asking. Is he above criticism? Are our intellectuals above any criticism? Is Nandy infallible?
The whole discussion, if you follow – from NDTV, then CNN IBN – those two programmes are programmes arranged to defend Nandy, and programmes completely in agreement with what Nandy had said. They were trying to totally defend Nandy. Just because he is an eminent sociologist, an eminent intellectual, will you justify whatever he has said? Will you not go into details of what exactly he said? Will you not go into the response of the communities which are at the receiving end? Will you not think of that?
Just because he is eminent, just because he is a sacred cow, you don't want to discuss this? I am really puzzled by the number of commentators, mainly his friends, and the TV commentators, trying to explain his argument, trying to justify (it) in the process, saying that he actually made pro-Dalit comments. (Whether) they're pro-Dalit comments or anti-Dalit comments, that's debatable. But you're actually foreclosing any debate, foreclosing any discussion on the issue by saying that he is misunderstood. And what are they invoking?
They are really invoking the biography of Nandy to defend his remarks, saying that he has been a supporter of reservations, he has been working on Dalits, he has written so much in favour of Dalits and OBCs. I have not seen whatever he has written about Dalits. And his position, his writings, are open to different kinds of interpretations. I don't think his writings are pro-Dalit or pro-SC/ST, or pro-OBC. That is something which is debatable.
In this context, to invoke his biography, in this manner, and his own writings, saying that they are idiosyncratic, they are known for humour, wit and so on and so forth -- this cannot justify what exactly happened in Jaipur Literature Festival. You have to go into the merits of that (what he said at JLF), and just saying that because he is known for his unconventional views, which may not be liked by others (does not justify his comments). It is not as simple a matter as that.
So Nandy has his corporate media, Nandy has a solidarity blog, Nandy has his solidarity petition and a whole lot of things. In this whole discussion, I did not see the Dalit view emerging very strongly. And nobody is thinking about what the Dalits are actually thinking about it. In fact I did not also see (any writing), except one article in Kafila and two articles in the Round Table India, saying that Nandy's statements are wrong. It is only the Dalits who are strongly feeling that Nandy's statements are highly objectionable, even if he says that corruption leads to democracy and Dalits are most creative and good at corruption (in emulating the upper castes).
So this is his argument. Madhu Koda is his model. But we don't have to emulate that. We don't have to accept that view. And our opinion has to be taken into consideration. I mean, he is making a comment specifying (that) SCs, STs and OBCs are the most corrupt people and they are creative people (in emulation), and that leads to democracy. We don't want this kind of characterization. Some people may enjoy (this) -- if you're elite, if you're upper caste, you many enjoy this characterization of his. And you may say that that he is not essentializing Dalits, but is actually giving agency to Dalits.
We don't want this false agency to Dalits as corrupt people. So, whatever the virtues of Nandy and his scholarship, those cannot be used to justify what Nandy has said in Jaipur. And what Nandy has said in Jaipur cannot be justified on the grounds of freedom of speech. Freedom of speech vs censorship: these are the only two things? If you're asking (pointing out), what you're saying is something wrong, does that automatically lead to censorship? So there are no other ways of thinking on what he has said is right or wrong?
So by invoking (the bogey of) censorship, by saying that these people are hooligans, that they are very intolerant and that they're undemocratic, you're actually not allowing a debate. In fact, most of the Dalit scholars and Dalit activists did not speak up because they are really intimidated. Because the kind of picture you gave is that whoever says something about Dalits, Dalits are going to come and break your head, or they file a case under the SC/ST Act. You have been debating on Dalits; they've not done this at any time.
So why are you reproducing this image of the Dalit, as the most intolerant people in this country?And you're not addressing what Nandy is saying. This is my first point: where is he 'hounded'? This language of (Nandy) being 'hounded', he is 'harassed': by whom? You're implying that, by Dalits. So did they harass him? Did they hound him?
This is producing a discourse where you're criminalizing the Dalits, this entire discourse (is about that). It is a controversy created by him, in an elite festival. The opposition also came from the people on the stage and elsewhere, and not from the Dalits. Then it became a public controversy. So this is your own controversy.
But finally, you want to use this to make Nandy a great intellectual, and a hero by doing all this, and in the process, the damage done to the Dalit community is very, very serious. Those who are supporting him, writing about him – they are only talking about his greatness, his style of writing, his mode of reasoning, and how great this man is.
But they are not going into the details of what he actually said and what the communities which are named are feeling about it. That's the most important point. What we're feeling, you're not thinking about that. And you don't care about that; you don't care about what the Dalits think about this. You don't care about the corporate media reproducing this view that the SC/ST/OBCs are the most corrupt people. This view was reproduced again and again, again and again. And what is the damage done to these communities?
Already we're a stigmatized community, already we're seen as the most corrupt people. And that's the public view on this. So we have high visibility, as he himself noted. And in his own, new way of talking of corruption as leading to democracy and Dalits as being 'creative' people, you're doing greater damage than anyone else. This is my first point, Ravi.
Dalit Camera: How do you see the way Dalits are being portrayed in the discussions happening on this issue? Some have tried to portray them, as you say as 'intolerant' and as 'hooligans'. How do you think the Dalits are being portrayed in these discussions?
K. Satyanarayana: As I have already said, my main concern is the way the SC, ST and OBC communities have been invoked, referred in this entire debate. One thing is what Nandy (himself) has said in Jaipur, that is one issue. The second issue is that in this entire discussion - it is all a campaign to mobilize support for Nandy – the way the SCs are implicated, the STs are implicated, the OBCs are implicated is also important for me.
How are they described? SC, ST, OBCs are the most intolerant people: (the discussion refers to) 'the intolerant chorus of outrage' of the SC, STs. That is how the discussion goes. And 'easily offended' people. These are people who are 'easily offended'. So these people who have been taking this offense and violence of all kinds for centuries, they are seen as 'easily offended' people. Whereas the people of the other communities are not easily offended.
These are people who are called 'brokers of victimhood': this is a reference to the Dalit politicians and Dalit leaders. The 'brokers of victimhood' and 'footsoldiers of identity politics'; and people who are making 'political capital' (out of this issue); people who are 'craving for publicity' and so on. So this is the image of a community. People 'who have no sense of humour'; people who 'cannot understand creative modes of reasoning', the mode of reasoning that Nandy uses. These are 'unreasonable' people and 'no reasoned debate' is possible with them.
So this is the image of the Dalits. Generally, in most of these secular, upper caste narratives, the figure of the Dalit always appears like this. He is 'unreasonable', 'irrational' and 'sensitive', 'easily hurt' and 'intolerant'. This is a very, very damaging kind of (narrative) you produced.
An incident happened, some Dalit organizations protested, some Dalit leaders protested, but this whole discussion is actually stereotyping the Dalit community. One FIR was filed, and then (you start) saying that the SC and ST Act is in some sense 'a very draconian act', and you (Dalits) are misusing that act, and that act itself is a kind of a serious problem. So, I don't know what exactly they are saying. They're actually opposing their own institutions of democracy.
This whole stereotyping of this community and calling them 'authoritarian' is, I thought, one of the serious problems with the way this whole discussion is going on . Not only that Nandy makes these serious, offensive, objectionable comments; not only (does) he refuses to apologize – he only clarified, he went on to clarify, he and his friends have been clarifying – but he refused to apologize, he is only saying that if there is a misunderstanding and if you're hurt, I will apologize.
He is not saying that this whole comment that most people from SC, ST, OBCs are corrupt, even if he is saying they are creative people (in emulation)....if the Dalits and the Adivasis take offense, he has to apologize, he has to withdraw his comments. Till now he has not withdrawn his comments. In fact, after he came from Jaipur to Delhi, he is emboldened, now he is saying that 'Yes, I will stand by what I said.'
He cannot interpret that (his comment) as pro-Dalit or anti-Dalit, he cannot decide that saying SC, STs are corrupt people and creative people is a compliment. I don't take it as a compliment, I take it as a seriously objectionable kind of comment. I am really pained at watching all these controversies involving SC, STs – on the one hand, the violence in the villages, the kind of things that happen in Haryana and elsewhere to Dalits, and innumerable forms of violence and humiliations; on the other hand, you have this kind of a public discussion.
Whatever is the controversy, the way Dalits are talked about -- as the 'most intolerant' kind of people, people who are 'unreasonable', people 'who have no sense of humour', people 'who have to be given education in understanding' either a text book or a speech, and people 'who cannot hear'. Somebody was actually commenting that we have to learn how to listen to speeches and so on.
So, this compaign, I feel, is the most objectionable kind of a campaign that Prof. Nandy and his friends are leading. And the whole liberal, left intellectuals who signed these petitions, they are leading this kind of a campaign. They're saying that we are in solidarity with Nandy. Solidarity with what? Solidarity with whatever he has said? And they simply say that some people may not like his comments. No, it is not (about how) some people may not like (what he said), it is (about how) some people may take objection, some people may disagree, some people might get offended. You should be open to this.
Just to say that some people may not like it – it is not a question of liking it. People can take objection to this. People can disagree. You are not allowing (that), you are not trying to understand this disagreement, how they are offended. You are all talking about freedom of speech. Does freedom of speech mean that you can say whatever you want? Are there no limits to freedom of speech? Does the Dalit have freedom of speech?
This is one of the important points I want to make: that when you're talking of a specific incident, about Nandy and his speech, and its meanings and interpretations – in your own discussions, in your own petitions, you're implicating me and the larger community. And you are further stereotyping us: as people who are 'intolerant', people who are 'undemocratic', people who are 'easily offended'. This I take strong exception to.
Transcribed by Kuffir.
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Dr K.Satyanarayana, with Susie Tharu, edited the anthology of Dalit writing 'No Alphabet in Sight: New Dalit Writing from South', published by Penguin India in 2011.

Please also read recent articles on the same issue:
The Emperor Has No Clothes: by Dr. N. Sukumar